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Wilson and Sperber--Relevance Theory(22)

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Relevance Theory 263

and select an appropriate context, and THEN derive a range of implicated conclusions. Comprehension is an on-line process, and hypotheses about explicatures, implicated premises and implicated conclusions are developed in parallel against a background of expectations (or anticipatory hypotheses) which may be revised or elaborated as the utterance unfolds.18 In particular, the hearer may bring to the comprehension process not only a general presumption of relevance, but more specific expectations about how the utterance will be relevant to him (what cognitive effects it is likely to achieve), and these may contribute, via backwards inference, to the identification of explicatures and implicated premises.19 Thus, each sub-task in (10a-c) above involves a non-demonstrative inference process embedded within the overall process of constructing a hypothesis about the speaker’s meaning.

To take just one illustration, consider the exchange in (11):

(11) a. Peter: Did John pay back the money he owed you?

b. Mary: No. He forgot to go to the bank.

Table (12) below is a schematic outline of how Peter might use the relevance-theoretic comprehension procedure to construct hypotheses about the explicatures and implicatures of Mary's utterance, 'He forgot to go to the bank.' Peter assumes in (12b) that Mary's utterance, decoded as in (12a), is optimally relevant to him. Since what he wants to know at this point is why John did not repay the money he owed, he assumes in (c) that Mary’s utterance will achieve relevance by answering this question. In the situation described, the logical form of the utterance provides easy access to the contextual assumption in (d) (that forgetting to go to the bank may prevent one from repaying money one owes). This could be used as an implicit premise in deriving the expected explanation of John’s behaviour, provided that the utterance is interpreted on the explicit side (via disambiguation and reference resolution) as conveying the information in (e): that John forgot to go to the BANK1. By combining the implicit premise in (d) and the explicit premise in (e), Peter arrives at the implicit conclusion in 18

19 See, for example, Sperber & Wilson (1986a): §4.3-5, esp. pp 204-208, Wilson & Sperber (2002). A hearer's expectations of relevance may be more or less sophisticated. In an unsophisticated version, presumably the one always used by young children, what is expected is actual optimal relevance. In a more sophisticated version (used by competent adult communicators who are aware that the speaker may be mistaken about what is relevant to the hearer, or in bad faith and merely intending to appear relevant), what is expected may be merely attempted or purported optimal relevance. Adult communicators may nevertheless expect actual optimal relevance by default. Here we will ignore these complexities, but see Sperber (1994), Wilson (2000), and §5 below.

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